Far War

News & Views

Wednesday, July 28, 2004

America is not a charitable organization

'America is not a charitable organisation - they came to steal from Iraq'By Robert Fisk in Najaf - 21 July 2004http://www.indybay.org/news/2004/07/1689476.phpOutside on Sayed Ayatollah Ahmed Hassani al-Baghdadi's little lawn, the temperature is touching 60C. But inside his spacious library with its shelves of leather-bound volumes of Islamic science and law, the political heat soars between 3,000 degrees and minus 20. The Shia marja [leading Shia scholars] are known for their outspokenness but Sayed Baghdadi more than speaks his mind. The Americans occupied Iraq as part of a Zionist project, he announces. They will not leave Iraq because they intend to steal Iraq's oil. The new US-appointed Iraqi government are "collaborators". And Sayed Baghdadi, remember, is a highly respected and very influential marja whose lectures draw students from all over Iraq.When I ask him to talk about the current situation of Iraq's Shia population, he responds with an attack on my question, suggesting that the world's press are involved in a vast project to separate Sunni from Shia. When I ask him what would happen if the Americans left next week, he roars back at me. "Impossible! The Americans will not retreat from Iraq because they have strategic benefits in the region from Afghanistan to Morocco ... How can you ask such a question?"Sayed Baghdadi looks older than his 59 years but he has the energy of a tiger, leaping from the floor to retrieve a volume of history, on tip-toe to find a copy of his own biography, his voice bellowing and booming across the library - the roaring air-conditioner is no match for him - his right hand, forefinger pointed, bouncing up and down when he refers to "the British spy, Miss Bell". Poor Gertrude Bell, she thought she understood Iraq and knew very little about it when she died after the First World War. But she could hardly have expected to find herself on Sayed Baghdadi's list of villains."The press are putting a Zionist-American cover on the war in Iraq," he says. "They say there is only a triangle in which the Sunnis are fighting the occupation. But there were operations in Karbala and Hilla and Diwaniyah [Shia cities] before the intifada of the Mehdi Army - this fact unmasks the lies of the press agencies. The Shia insurrection led by the Mehdi Army was a symbol of the emotional ties with their brothers from the Sunni areas. Now the CIA and MI6 and other foreign intelligence services are saying there will be a civil war if the American army retreats." Sayed Baghdadi's forefinger goes up like a warning beacon. "This is a play, a scenario of theirs. This civil war will not happen because the Iraqi people are linked by their Arabic origins and religion. So when this civil war threat didn't work, the intelligence service invented the character of Zarqawi [the al-Qa'ida member whom the Americans claim is in Iraq]. Then a mosque explodes or a Husseiniya [Shia house of worship] blows up or a Shia religious leader is killed. Then the local press - the collaborationist press - say like the Dawa Party and the National Conference of [Ahmed] Chalabi that there will be civil war like this if the Americans go." The Sayed's scorn for the press will last throughout our interview. So will his anger towards the American-appointed Prime Minister, Iyad Allawi, and his President, Ghazi Ageel Yawar.His is a cocktail of political argument and religious history. "The Americans theoretically handed over power to their collaborators, Allawi and Yawar, but those people don't have a patriotic nationalist history. The Shia follow the lines of the Imams and they co-ordinate with the Sunnis. Even if the Sultan is a Sunni - even if he is a dictator or oppressor - we will follow him and obey him, and we will not obey the idolators. Our Imams fought with the Amawayin states [the Caliphates that opposed the Imams Ali and Hussein] and with the Abbasids and with the sectarian Ottomans."Miss Bell, the British spy, was writing to her father and to her minister that the Shia will not fight with British soldiers because the sectarian Turks had killed so many Shia. But the Shia fought the British in Basra in 1914 and later, in 1920, the Shia and the Sunni fought together and the British were shocked. And today there is a strategic relationship between the Sunni and the Shia and they will continue resisting the occupation." Almost inevitably, it turns out the Sayed's father and grandfather were involved in the 1914 Basra insurgency against the British.Sayed Baghdadi went into exile in Damascus for 10 years to avoid Saddam Hussein's wrath, so he is no apologist for the old regime. But he has no doubts about America's intentions. "The new American embassy is the largest in the world and there are many CIA in the embassy. American military bases are on both sides of Iraq and in the mountains in the north where they have the means to 'listen in' to the entire Middle East. America is not a charitable organisation to save the Iraqi people from dictatorship. Saddam Hussein was himself an American agent."According to the Sayed, when America invaded Iraq "to start its new Middle Eastern project", Iraq was "like a sheep", exhausted by unjust sanctions and wars. "The Americans came to steal the petrol ... That's why there was a struggle between the Americans and the European powers. But now they have reached a deal by establishing the 'multinational forces'. They changed the name but the occupation still exists."Suddenly the electricity cuts out, the roaring air-conditioner dies and within seconds the outdoor heat moves like a cowl across the thick carpets. But Sayed Baghdadi is on his feet again, handing me a photocopy of his hand-written ishtihad, the certificate which authorises him to issue fatwas - religious rulings - and quoting from his own biography. "He still continues to lecture and discuss science in a unique way," he reads from the text about himself. "From childhood he was a revolutionary who by nature could not be misled." The Sayed shows me a photograph of him kneeling next to Ayatollah Khomeini and begins to list those who have referred to his books and character, including Sayed Mohamed Fadlallah and the writer Khaled Rashid.Then just before the air-conditioner growls back to life, he turns to his son-in-law and - in reference to me - says quietly: "He is either a liberal man or a spy." But half an hour later, he signs one of his books - Power and the Religious Shia Foundation - for me. "In the name of God," he writes, "this is a gift to brother Mr Robert with good wishes and regards." No fatwas against Fisk, it seems.www.independent.co.uk

Iraq: what went Wrong?

Iraq: What Went Wrong?   
by Stephen Soldz
[Talk delivered July 22, 2004 to Roslindale Neighbors for Peace and Justice]
After invading Iraq, the leader of the conquering army proclaimed:
"Our armies do not come in your cities and lands as conquerors or enemies, but as liberators ... I am commanded to invite you to participate in the management of your own civil affairs."
Was this George Bush, Tony Blair, Paul Bremer, or Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez? No, it was conquering British General Stanley Maude, in 1917.1,2
This was after Iraq was conquered, during the First World War.
Soon, thereafter, their hopes for independence betrayed, the Iraqis launched a rebellion. The British used their superior weaponry to suppress it, including the new poison gas, recommended by T. E. Lawrence, Lawrence of Arabia.3 Winston Churchill commented:
"I do not understand this squeamishness about the use of gas... I am strongly in favour of using poisoned gas against uncivilised tribes."3
Approximately 450 British troops died while suppressing the rebellion. While then, as now, no one counted Iraqi deaths, estimates range from 8,000 to 10,000.1
Forty-seven year old Winston Churchill was appointed to come up with a solution. A ruler was found. He wasn't Iraqi, but from Saudi Arabia, but that didn't matter. Prince Faisal became a British-appointed king. A regime was set up with the minority Sunni religious group dominant and the majority Shiites kept largely powerless.
After a 40 years, the British lost control. But the Americans retained influence, helping the Ba'ath party attain -- including young Saddam Hussein -- attain power and giving them lists of thousands of Iraqis, communists and others, to be assassinated.4
We Americans may choose to ignore history, but Iraqis absorb these facts with their mother's milk.
Fast forward. The US and Britain invade Iraq based on trumped up charges, as we now are all aware, but at the time, only those who read independent reporting knew.
Looting sweeps the country. The US does nothing to stop it. US Defense Secretary Rumsfeld likens the chaotic situation in Iraq to post-revolutionary America.5 Rumors and eyewitness accounts abound that at least some US troops encouraged looters.6, 7 Much of the Iraqi infrastructure is destroyed. Most government buildings are destroyed, with the exception of the Planning Ministry (with its intelligence files) and the Oil Ministry, which the US saw fit to protect.8, 9
While Americans are warily welcomed in parts of postwar Iraq, in others, they are not viewed so positively. April 28, 2003. 15 people are shot and killed by American troops in Falluja, who claimed they were fired upon. A reporter from the British paper the Independent examines the building the US troops were in and find no signs of bullet holes that could have come from the crowd outside.10 The US press ignores this. A few days later, more Fallujans are shot by US troops.11 Sheik Talid Alesawi, a Sunni cleric says: "We understood freedom by making demonstrations. But the shooting that greeted us was not freedom. Are there two types of freedom, one for you and one for us?"11
The Iraqi summer arrives. Temperatures often get to 120F, sometimes 140. Much of the country has electricity for only a few hours a day, so Iraqis get little relief from air conditioning.12 Many take to the traditional method of sleeping on the roof.13 Sometimes they get killed by US troops who can't distinguish 12-year old children from insurgents.14
US companies get billions of dollars in reconstruction contracts, but the electricity doesn't flow. It never consistently gets up to prewar levels, which were already low, due to over a decade of US-inspired UN sanctions.15 In oil rich Iraq, lines for gasoline stretch miles and take many hours to navigate.
Crime sweeps Iraq. Murders, kidnapping abound. The Baghdad morgue fills up with hundreds of corpses of murdered Iraqis each week. The occupation authorities resolutely respond, by banning reporters from entering hospitals or mortuaries without permission, which they refuse to give.16, 17 No one knows how many Iraqis have died or are dying. British reporter Robert Fisk estimates nearly a 1,000 people a week are dying from crime, American errors, the settling of feuds, and other reasons.18 In September, 2003, Fisk estimates the death toll under occupation as at least 10,000, but nobody knows for sure.18 The Ministry of Health starts to count civilians killed during the war, but they are ordered by their so-called Iraqi Governing Council and the US occupation authorities to stop counting.19
Many Iraqis are afraid to leave their homes. Women, in particular, no longer feel safe to leave their homes unaccompanied.20 Many teen-age girls spend most of the next year seldom leaving home. [Imagine your daughters forced to stay home for a year. And Iraqi houses are, of course, smaller than most American ones.]
Iraq is a very family-oriented society. People typically travel to visit their varied family members. But, in liberated Iraq, travel on a highway is an extremely dangerous activity. Criminals, referred to as Ali Babas, roam the highways. Over 150,000 American and other foreign troops do little to make the roads safe. In fact, the resistance is setting IED -- Improvised Explosive Devices -- along the roads, to bomb American tanks and armed personnel carriers. The Americans take to moving in convoys, often slow-moving. Iraqi drivers who try and pass these convoys frequently find themselves shot, or even crushed, by confused, terrified, American troops.21 Others die in other "accidental" US shootings.22-25
The new US rulers of Iraq live in a special area, called the Green Zone, centered on one of Saddam Hussein's former palaces. Staff and consultants are largely chosen for their political affiliations and have little expertise in Iraq history or culture.26, 27 As the Washington Post reported: "[M]ost CPA hiring was done by the White House and Pentagon personnel offices, with posts going to people with connections to the Bush administration or the Republican Party. The job of reorganizing Baghdad's stock exchange, which has not reopened, was given in September to a 24-year-old who had sought a job at the White House."15 There are few Arabic speakers. Soon, it is too dangerous for most Americans to venture outside the Green Zone. Why would they want to, anyway? It has US stores and fast food joints selling chicken nuggets and ribs.28 In a Muslim country, where many view drinking as a sin, the Green Zone has bars for each agency involved in the occupation.29 The CIA has its own bar, so its agents aren't inconvenienced by leaving the Green Zone for Iraq. As many Iraqis turn to Islam for comfort and support in tough times, American women in the Green Zone jog in their shorts and sports bras.30 If the occupiers want a taste of local color, they can always go to the market and buy Middle Eastern knives and swords.28 An American officer says of the occupation officials "Our soldiers call them the League of Frightened Gentlemen."31
And those US troops, many of whom had never been to another US state, are now in a foreign country. They can't speak the language. The army had only about 70 Arabic translators in total32 and at most 1,300 active duty soldiers could speak any Arabic.33 Unlike when the US army went into Germany, Japan, or Korea, when they invaded Iraq, they did NOT create any crash course to train Arabic translators. Over and over again, confused messages at checkpoints lead to Iraqi deaths.23, 34, 35
US officials disband the Iraqi army, an army that largely didn't fight the American invaders, throwing hundreds of thousands of Iraqis out of work with the stroke of a pen.36 In a country with a state-dominated economy, tens of thousands of members of the ruling party are forbidden from working for the state, becoming essentially unemployable.37
A bunch of exiles, many out of the country for 30 years, are flown in and appointed to a so-called Iraqi Governing Council, but are given no power. Among them is Ahmed Chalabi, a convicted felon in Jordan, whom the US Pentagon expected would become ruler of Iraq. His private militia is flown in by US planes.38 He assumes, without US objection, personal control of files on hundreds of thousands of former Ba'athists, allowing him to settle old scores39 and gain influence through using them for blackmail.40 Chalabi's relatives are appointed to many positions in the new society. They start businesses, making money off reconstruction efforts. His nephew is appointed to be in charge of prosecuting deposed President Saddam Hussein. Iraqis start routinely referring to the "Governing Council' as the "Puppet Council". Many members of this Council spend most of their time traveling out of the country and never bring their families back to Iraq. US administrator Paul Bremer complains that at least half of them are out of the country at any given time and often only four or five show up for meetings.41 When the Council was disbanded in June, 2004, many members immediately flew back into exile, having no further interest in the "new Iraq."
The Iraqi woman blogger, Riverbend, described the Council thus42:
"Of course they're outside of the country -- many of them don't have ties in it. They have to visit their families and businesses in Europe and North America. For some of them, it sometimes seems like the 'Governing Council' is something of an interesting hobby -- a nice little diversion in the monthly routine: golf on Saturdays, a movie with the family in London on Fridays, a massage at the spa on Tuesdays, and, oh yes -- nation-building for 5 minutes with Bremer on the Xth of each month.
"People here never see them. Most live in guarded compounds and one never knows what country they are currently in. For example, Chalabi is presently missing. I haven't seen him on the news for... I don't know how long. If anyone has seen him, please send an email -- I'm dying to know what he's up to.
"I can imagine Bremer preparing for a meeting with the pioneers of Iraqi democracy, the pillars of liberty ... the Iraqi Puppet Council. He strides in with his chic suit, flowing hair and polished shoes (the yellow nation-building boots are only for press conferences and photo shoots in Iraqi provinces). He is all anticipation and eagerness: today will be the day. *This* meeting will be the productive meeting which will make headlines.
"He strides into the lavish room, Italian heels clicking on the marble floor -- there will be 25 faces today. Twenty-five pairs of adoring eyes will follow him around the room. Twenty-five pairs of eager ears will strain to hear his words of wisdom. Twenty-five faces will light up with... but where are the 25? He stops in the middle of the room, heart sinking, ire rising in leaps and bounds. Why are there only 5 unsure faces? Did he have the schedule wrong? Was this the wrong conference room?!
"And Bremer roars and rages -- where are the Puppets? Where are the marionettes?! How dare they miss yet another meeting! But they all have their reasons, Mr. Bremer: Talbani is suffering from indigestion after an ample meal last night; Iyad Allawi is scheduled for a pedicure in Switzerland this afternoon; Al-Hakim is jetting around making covert threats to the Gulf countries, and Chalabi says he's not attending meetings anymore, he's left the country and will be back when it's time for the elections..."
The resistance picks up steam. Surprisingly, the birthplace of civilization, the home of Babylon and Nineveh, is not thrilled about being occupied by foreign troops, from another continent, of a different religion, who do not speak their language, who fail to improve life for Iraqis, who seem especially interested in Iraq's oil and strategic importance. The Americans fight back, setting up huge concrete walls around the former dictator's palaces, where they set up camp. Houses are raided in the middle of the night by US troops who can only yell a few words. Women and children are handcuffed and held at gunpoint. Thousands of people, mostly, but not all, men, are taken away, many to the former dictator's Abu Ghraib prison and torture center. Rumors spread that the Americans are themselves torturing prisoners, at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere. Women prisoners smuggle out a letter asking the resistance to bomb the prison and kill them all because of the shame they feel after being raped.43 Detained male children are sodomized and this treatment is videotaped.44-46
Meanwhile, thousands of Iraqi families who's members were arrested or just disappeared, search for their loved ones, usually in vain. The United States, with all its high tech supercomputers, doesn't bother to keep useable, accessible records of those they detain.47, 48 What few lists do exist are in English, not Arabic and are full of errors. When people are released, days, weeks, or months after being detained, in many cases after never having even been questioned,48 they are frequently just dumped on the streets outside the prison, in some cases in their underwear. American intelligence officials tell the International Committee of the Red Cross that 70%-90% of detainees are completely innocent.49
The occupying force talks of bringing democracy to Iraq. They describe how this democracy will become a beacon for the Middle East. Yet, a Governing Council primarily of exiles with few roots in the country is appointed by the occupiers. Local elections are, in many cases, scheduled, then cancelled.50, 51 Mayors and governors, often former Iraqi military officers, are appointed. In some cases these appointees are from different parts of the country and are known to be corrupt and/or brutal.
In the fall of 2003, the Iraqi Ministry of Planning develops a proposal to create a registry of voters within 10 months.52 The US authorities veto the idea and, reportedly, never even tell the "Governing Council" of the proposal. A UN team says elections could be organized within 6 months.52 Later, when revered Shia religious leader Ali Sistani calls for elections, the US rulers say these are impossible because there is no electoral roll. When, after 15 months of direct rule, the US cedes nominal sovereignty to a new Iraqi government, no progress has been made toward creating an electoral role. Not even a plan has been formulated.
The occupation authority, called the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) despite the fact that the US rulers even ignore the opinions of their British "Coalition partners," says its only purpose is to create a free Iraq and return sovereignty. They deny plans for any permanent occupation, though US generals keep on upping the length of time US troops will "have to stay" in Iraq. Meanwhile, 4, or is it 14, permanent military bases are being constructed.53, 54 Very few articles have occurred in the mainstream US press on the construction of these permanent bases. To replace a prewar army of perhaps 400,000, which fought a many years war with neighboring Iran, the US proposes to create, over a number of years, a new Iraqi army of 35,000. This new army will have no tanks, no heavy artillery55, no air force to defend a country that is surrounded by countries -- Iraq, Turkey, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia -- with whom there has either been recent conflict or who have territorial or other conflicts with Iraq. Iraqis wonder how a lightly armed army of 35,000 is supposed to defend their country, were the Americans ever to leave. The first US ruler of Iraq, Jay Garner, compares the US presence in Iraq to the century-long US presence in the Philippines:
"Noting how establishing U.S. naval bases in the Philippines in the early 1900s allowed the United States to maintain a 'great presence in the Pacific.' Garner said. 'To me that's what Iraq is for the next few decades. We ought to have something there ... that gives us great presence in the Middle East. I think that's going to be necessary.'"56
While unemployment figures are hard to come by, estimates put Iraqi unemployment at between 40% and 60%, with a recent survey putting it at 70%.57 At the time of the occupation, most large businesses were state-owned. The US "Administrator" of Iraq makes a priority of privatizing the economy, removing tariffs and implementing a flat tax that the Republican ideologues can't get the US to accept:
"'The highest individual and corporate income tax rates for 2004 and subsequent years shall not exceed 15 percent.' Paul Bremer wrote in Coalition Provisional Authority Order Number 37, October, 2003."58
And, as he was getting ready to depart Iraq, in June, 2004, Bremer told the Washington Post that:
"[a]mong his biggest accomplishments ... were the lowering of Iraq's tax rate, the liberalization of foreign-investment laws and the reduction of import duties."15
As a result of these measures, Iraq is flooded with cheap consumer goods from abroad, hurting local industry.
April, 2004. Four American "contractors" [really mercenaries] are brutally killed in Falluja. The US decides to exact retribution and destroy resistance in the town. They lay siege, set up snipers who claim to only target rebels,59 but actually shoot at anything that moves.60 British law student Jo Wilding, who helped bring a circus to Iraq to brighten Iraqi children's lives decided to go into a Falluja under siege:
"I'll spare you the whole decision making process, the questions we all asked ourselves and each other, and you can spare me the accusations of madness, but what it came down to was this: if I don't do it, who will?..."
She describes what she sees:
"Snipers are causing not just carnage but also the paralysis of the ambulance and evacuation services. The biggest hospital after the main one was bombed is in US territory and cut off from the clinic by snipers. The ambulance has been repaired four times after bullet damage. Bodies are lying in the streets because no one can go to collect them without being shot."
She gets personal experience:
"We stop, turn off the siren, keep the blue light flashing, wait, eyes on the silhouettes of men in US marine uniforms on the corners of the buildings. Several shots come. We duck, get as low as possible and I can see tiny red lights whipping past the window, past my head. Some, it's hard to tell, are hitting the ambulance. I start singing. What else do you do when someone's shooting at you? A tyre bursts with an enormous noise and a jerk of the vehicle.
She witnesses the effects of the humane fighting touted by the American military:
"I am outraged. We are trying to get to a woman who is giving birth without any medical attention, without electricity, in a city under siege, in a clearly marked ambulance, and you are shooting at us. How dare you?...
"We take off the blue gowns as the sky starts exploding somewhere beyond the building opposite. Minutes later a car roars up to the clinic. I can hear him screaming before I can see that there is no skin left on his body. He is burnt from head to foot. For sure there is nothing they can do. He will die of dehydration within a few days.
"Another man is pulled from the car onto a stretcher. Cluster bombs, they say, although it is not clear whether they mean one or both of them. We set off walking to Mr Yasser's house, waiting at each corner for someone to check the street before we cross. A ball of fire falls from a plane, splits into smaller balls of bright white lights. I think they are cluster bombs, because cluster bombs are in the front of my mind, but they vanish, just magnesium flares, incredibly bright and short-lived, giving a flash picture of the town from above."60
The US arrests a close aide of Muqtada al-Sadr, a Shia leader who is extremely popular among the millions of poor Shia living in the Baghdad slum known as Sadr City in honor of his father, martyred by Saddam Hussein. US authorities announce they will get him, living or dead. Their Iraq agents in the Ministry of Justice print posters saying that Sadr was killed while resisting arrest and post some on walls in Sadr City,61 but then fail to capture him as he launches an insurrection and proclaims solidarity with the Falluja rebels. Thousands of Iraqis die in the next weeks, but the strongest power in the history of the world fails to suppress either the Falluja or al-Sadr insurrections, though US troops kill over 700 civilians in Falluja, who are buried in sports fields. US military leaders brag of killing over 1,000 of al-Sadr's militia members, mostly poor Shia youth from Baghdad slums.62, 63
In a poll of Iraqis in six cities conducted for the US/CPA in May 2004,64 67% of Iraqis say they Strongly Support (32%) or Somewhat Support (35%) al-Sadr, making him the second most supported person in Iraq, only behind the 70% support expressed for Ali Sistani. Iyad Allawi, the man the US imposed as the Prime Minister of the "sovereign" Iraqi government was Supported by 23% (5% Strongly Support) in that poll, with 61% of those surveyed saying they Somewhat (21%) or Strongly (40%) Opposed him. The man who would soon be appointed President was so revered he wasn't even listed among the 14 top figures included in the survey.
In that same poll 11% expressed a Fair Amount or a Great Deal (2%) of confidence in the US Coalition Provisional Authority, with 85% having Not Much (11%) or None Confidence (78%) in the institution that had ruled them for over a year. Only 28% expressed a Fair Amount or a Great Deal of Confidence in the US-chosen Governing Council, with 66% having Not Much or None (55%). 81% answered No Confidence in the Coalition Forces that were fighting the insurgency, killing people at roadblocks, invading homes in the middle of the night, and holding thousands of Iraqis prisoners in Abu Ghraib and other hell holes.
Then, on June 28, 2004, in a secret ceremony, the CPA, with its 11% confidence, handed "sovereignty" to the new government it had hand-picked, largely from the Governing Council with its 28% confidence, thus undermining a months-long process by UN official Lakhdar Brahimi, leading Brahimi to say of US Administrator Paul Bremer: ""Bremer is the dictator of Iraq." he said. "He has the money. He has the signature."65
Of course, "sovereignty" doesn't mean control. US troops are free to act as they please, without any effective control by Iraqi authorities. In one of his last acts, Paul Bremer granted them total immunity for any actions, including torturing prisoners, they commit in the "sovereign" Iraq. He also granted immunity to private contractors while they are working in Iraq.66, 67
And the new government doesn't control the economy, regulate the media, or have many of the other powers sovereign governments usually have.
As the Wall Street Journal reported:
"As Washington prepares to hand over power, U.S. administrator L. Paul Bremer and other officials are quietly building institutions that will give the U.S. powerful levers for influencing nearly every important decision the interim government will make. In a series of edicts issued earlier this spring, Mr. Bremer's Coalition Provisional Authority created new commissions that effectively take away virtually all of the powers once held by several ministries. The CPA also ... put in place a pair of watchdog institutions that will serve as checks on individual ministries and allow for continued U.S. oversight. Meanwhile, the CPA reiterated that coalition advisers will remain in virtually all remaining ministries after the handover....
"The authority to license Iraq's television stations, sanction newspapers and regulate cell phone companies was recently transferred to a commission whose members were selected by Washington. The commissioners' five-year terms stretch far beyond the planned 18-month tenure of the interim Iraqi government that will assume sovereignty on June 30."68
Or as the New York Times summed up the matter:
"Top aides to Mr. Bremer have said in recent days that the American troops will act as the most important guarantor of American influence. In addition, they said, the $18.4 billion voted for Iraqi reconstruction last fall by the United States Congress -- including more than $2 billion for the new Iraqi forces -- will give the Americans a decisive voice."69
And who is this new Iraqi government that the US imposed? The man with the power, or whatever power Iraqis are to be allowed, is Iyad Allawi, a man of whom the BBC said:
"he has the advantage ... of being equally mistrusted by everyone in Iraq's multifarious population."70
He boasts of having taken money from over a dozen intelligence agencies, including the CIA and the British MI6. He helped Saddam Hussein get into power, and acted as a spy on anti-Saddam Iraqi exiles in Europe; there are reports that he killed some of these dissidents. After a break with Saddam, he started working for the CIA, among others. He is evidently a terrorist, using a strict definition of this much-misused term. The New York Times reported that the CIA got him to conduct a bombing campaign in Iraq in the 1990's.71 About this campaign the article comments:
"One former Central Intelligence Agency officer who was based in the region, Robert Baer, recalled that a bombing during that period 'blew up a school bus; schoolchildren were killed.' Mr. Baer, a critic of the Iraq war, said he did not recall which resistance group might have set off that bomb."
As I was preparing this talk last week, the July 17 Sydney Morning Herald of Australia reported further evidence of what type of man the US forced upon Iraq. The article is entitled: "Allawi shot prisoners in cold blood: witnesses."72 A few excerpts:
"Iyad Allawi, the new Prime Minister of Iraq, pulled a pistol and executed as many as six suspected insurgents at a Baghdad police station, just days before Washington handed control of the country to his interim government, according to two people who allege they witnessed the killings.
"They say the prisoners -- handcuffed and blindfolded -- were lined up against a wall in a courtyard adjacent to the maximum-security cell block in which they were held at the Al-Amariyah security centre, in the city's south-western suburbs....
"But the informants told the Herald that Dr Allawi shot each young man in the head as about a dozen Iraqi policemen and four Americans from the Prime Minister's personal security team watched in stunned silence.
"Iraq's Interior Minister, Falah al-Naqib, is said to have looked on and congratulated him when the job was done. Mr al-Naqib's office has issued a verbal denial....
"The prisoners were against the wall and we were standing in the courtyard when the Interior Minister said that he would like to kill them all on the spot. Allawi said that they deserved worse than death - but then he pulled the pistol from his belt and started shooting them....
"There is much debate and rumour in Baghdad about the Prime Minister's capacity for brutality, but this is the first time eyewitness accounts have been obtained....
"Neither witness could give a specific date for the killings. But their accounts narrowed the time frame to on or around the third weekend in June -- about a week before the rushed handover of power in Iraq and more than three weeks after Dr Allawi was named as the interim Prime Minister....
"One witness justified the shootings as an unintended act of mercy: 'They were happy to die because they had already been beaten by the police for two to eight hours a day to make them talk.'...
"The Herald has established that as many as 30 people, including the victims. May have been in the courtyard. One of the witnesses said there were five or six civilian-clad American security men in a convoy of five or six late model four-wheel-drive vehicles that was shepherding Dr Allawi's entourage on the day. The US military and Dr Allawi's office refused to respond to questions about the composition of his security team. It is understood that the core of his protection unit is drawn from the US Special Forces units (emphasis added)....
"The two witnesses were independently and separately found by the Herald. Neither approached the newspaper. They were interviewed on different days in a private home in Baghdad, without being told the other had spoken. A condition of the co-operation of each man was that no personal information would be published.... The witnesses were not paid for the interviews."
To conclude, imagine yourself an Iraqi. You've suffered terribly under a ruthless dictator. The Americans invade your country under false pretenses. They promise democracy but don't organize elections. They appoint exiles to rule you, exiles who spend most of their time out of the country and the rest in a few highly protected areas. The occupiers break into your homes in the middle of the night and arrest your men, who then disappear, with no accountability. They shoot Iraqis at roadblocks and from convoys. They declare war on the second most popular man in the country, announcing his death in advance. They open the economy to US corporations and give them sweetheart contracts, ignoring local business. Then they write hundreds of laws and establish commissions limiting any future government. They build permanent military bases on your soil. Then they turn your country over to a former associate of Saddam Hussein, also a former CIA agent, known for his ruthless brutality. Imagine that was your country. What would you do?
References
1. J. Kifner. "Britain Tried First. Iraq Was No Picnic Then." New York Times. July 20, 2003.
2. S. Maude. "The Proclamation of Baghdad." Harpers Magazine [Web posting]. Dec. 4, 2003.
3. D. Blair. "Meddling in Mesopotamia was always risky." Telegraph. March 18, 2003.
4. R. Sale. "Saddam key in early CIA plot." United Press International. April 10, 2003.
5. M. B. Norton. "The Founders and the Fedayeen." New York Times. July 19, 2003.
6. O. Rothenborg. "USA encouraged ransacking." Dagens Nyheter. April 11, 2003.
7. W. Sommerfeld. "Plundering of Museums in Baghdad." Süddeutschen Zeitung. May 8, 2003.
8. A. Gumbel and D. Keys. "US Blamed for Failure to Stop Sacking of Museum." Independent. April 14, 2003.
9. R. Fisk. "Americans defend two untouchable ministries from the hordes of looters." Independent. April 14, 2003.
10. P. Reeves. "At least 10 dead as US soldiers fire on school protest." Independent. April 30, 2003.
11. S. Wilson. "U.S. Forces Kill Two During Iraqi Demonstration." Washington Post. April 30, 2003.
12. P. Cockburn. "Powerless Iraqis rail against ignorant, air-conditioned US occupation force." Independent. June 22, 2003.
13. Riverbend. "The Roof...." Baghdad Burning [blog]. June 1, 2004.
14. S. Peterson. "For US troops in Iraq, safety vs. diplomacy." Christian Science Monitor. June 30, 2003.
15. R. Chandrasekaran. "Mistakes Loom Large as Handover Nears: Missed Opportunities Turned High Ideals to Harsh Realities." Washington Post. June 20, 2004.
16. FAIR. "White House Whining on Iraq Coverage." Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting. Oct. 30, 2003.
17. R. Fisk. "Don't Say We Were Not Warned About This Chaos." Independent. Sept. 5, 2003.
18. R. Fisk. "Secret slaughter by night, lies and blind eyes by day." Independent. Sept. 14, 2003.
19. N. Price. "Iraq's Health Ministry ordered to stop counting civilian dead from war." Associated Press. Dec. 10, 2003.
20. M-L. Colson. "Iraqi women have lost the post-war: Rapes, sequestrations, and a return to the veil develop." La Liberation. Sept. 2, 2003.
21. Hd. Quetteville. "US soldier 'killed taxi occupants for passing convoy'." Telegraph. Jan. 10, 2004.
22. S. Faramarzi. "Jittery U.S. Soldiers Kill 6 Iraqis." Associated Press. Aug. 10, 2003.
23. J. Huggler. "Family shot dead by panicking US troops." Independent. Aug. 10, 2003.
24. P. Beaumont. "Farah tried to plead with the US troops but she was killed anyway." Guardian. Sept. 7, 2003.
25. M. Georgy. "Grisly death enrages town in Iraq." Reuters. July 7, 2003.
26. AFP. "Bush appoints supporter to run Iraqi corporate sector." AFP. Aug. 8, 2003.
27. B. Wootliff. "Bush pals hired to rewrite Iraqi law." Observer. Aug. 31, 2003.
28. J. R. Carroll. "Life in the Green Zone: Iraq's nerve center is haven for allies." Louisville Courier-Journal. Feb. 2, 2004.
29. J. Krane and L. Navarro. "Raucous bar scene emerges in Baghdad's sealed-off 'green zone'." Associated Press. June 14, 2004.
30. H. Hamoudi. "Jogging in the twilight zone." Asia Times. May 27, 2004.
31. P. Cockburn. "The Pretence of an Independent Iraq." Independent. June 22, 2004.
32. P. Sperry. "U.S. miscalculations left troops vulnerable: Pentagon underestimated number of MPs, Arabic translators needed." WorldNetDaily.com. July 10, 2003.
33. AP. "Language lag still hampers government: U.S. needs more Arabic speakers." Associated Press. Nov. 19, 2003.
34. Child is killed in US checkpoint shooting." Scotsman.com. July 6, 2004.
35. B. Whitaker. "'You didn't fire a warning shot soon enough!'" Guardian. April 1, 2003.
36. P. Slevin. "Wrong Turn at a Postwar Crossroads? Decision to Disband Iraqi Army Cost U.S. Time and Credibility." Washington Post. Nov. 20, 2003.
37. R. Moran. "U.S. eases rules for ex-Baathists." Knight Ridder Newspapers. April 24, 2004.
38. R. Sale. "CPA handlers suspected in espionage." UPI. May 25, 2004.
39. O. Bowcott. "Secret Baath files may help Chalabi settle old scores." Guardian. May 8, 2003.
40. M. Hirsh. "Crime and Politics." Newsweek. May 20, 2004.
41. R. Wright and R. Chandrasekaran. "Alternatives to Iraqi Council Eyed: Inaction of Hand-Picked Baghdad Officials Frustrates Washington." Washington Post. Nov. 9, 2003.
42. Riverbend. "Iraqi Governing Council...," Baghdad Burning [blog]. Nov. 13, 2003.
43. L. Harding. "The other prisoners." Guardian. May 20, 2004.
44. G. Sealey. "Hersh: Children sodomized at Abu Ghraib, on tape." Salon.com. July 15, 2004.
45. J. Coman. "US soldiers 'seen raping woman' in new jail photos." Telegraph. May 9, 2004.
46. J. Borger. "US general linked to Abu Ghraib abuse: Leaked memo reveals control of prison passed to military intelligence to 'manipulate detainees'." Guardian. May 22, 2004.
47. A. Rodriguez. "U.S. holding Iraqis at notorious prison -- Families are barred and very few inmates have been allowed to see lawyers." Chicago Tribune. Aug. 6, 2003.
48. R, Miller. "'Disappearing' Iraqis: Why Are So Many Citizens Arrested and Detained by the American Occupying Force?" River Cities' Reader. Sept. 10 2003.
49. USA Today. How innocent Iraqis came to be abused as terrorists." USA Today. June 9, 2004.
50. W. Booth and R. Chandrasekaran. "Democracy will have to wait, US tells Iraq." Washington Post. June 30, 2003.
51. W. Booth and R. Chandrasekaran. "Occupation Forces Halt Elections Throughout Iraq." Washington Post. June 28, 2003.
52. S. Otterman. "Iraq: The Election Schedule." Council on Foreign Relations. Jan. 28, 2004.
53. C. Spolar. "14 `enduring bases' set in Iraq: Long-term military presence planned." Chicago Tribune. March 23, 2004.
54. D. Macintyre. "US wants permanent access to military bases in post-war Iraq." Independent. April 21, 2003.
55. N. Pelham. "Iraq ministers told only US can impose martial law." Financial Times. June 22, 2004.
56. A. S. Klamper. "Former Iraq administrator sees decades-long U.S. military presence." CongressDaily. Feb. 6, 2004.
57. A. Janabi. "Iraqi unemployment rate reaches 70%." Aljazeera.net. July 21, 2004.
58. D. Milbank and W. Pincus. "U.S. Administrator Imposes Flat Tax System on Iraq." Washington Post. Nov. 2, 2003.
59. C. Rosenberg. "Marine sniper units work Fallujah." Knight Ridder Newspapers. April 28, 2004.
60. J. Wilding. "April 11th - Falluja." Wildfire. April 11, 2004.
61. J. Cole. "Riot at Imam Ali Shrine; Clashes in Sadr City." juancole.com [blog]. June 12, 2004.
62. S. Wilson. "Over 60 Days, Troops Suppressed an Uprising." Washington Post. June 26, 2004.
63. T. Shanker and E. Schmitt. "Army Used Speed and Might, Plus Cash, Against Shiite Rebel." New York Times. June 26, 2004.
64. "Public Opinion in Iraq: First Poll Following Abu Ghraib Revelations" [pdf file]. June 15, 2004.
65. T. Lasseter. "UN's Brahimi: Bremer the 'Dictator of Iraq' in Shaping Iraqi Government." Knight-Ridder Newspapers. June 3, 2004.
66. P. Cockburn. "US abruptly cedes power in attempt to spike guns of insurgents." Independent. June 29, 2004.
67. L. P. Bremer. "Coalition Provisional Authority Order Number 17 (Revised): Status of the Coalition Provisional Authority, MNF - Iraq, Certain Missions and Personnel in Iraq." Coalition Provisional Authority [pdf document]. June 27, 2004.
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70. BBC. "Who's who in Iraq: Iyad Allawi." BBC. May 28, 2004.
71. J. Brinkley. "Ex-C.I.A. Aides Say Iraq Leader Helped Agency in 90's Attacks." New York Times. June 9, 2004.
72. P. McGeough. "Allawi shot inmates in cold blood, say witnesses." Sydney Morning Herald. July 17, 2004.
Stephen Soldz (mailto:ssoldz@bgsp.edu) is psychoanalyst and a faculty member at the Institute for the Study of Violence of the Boston Graduate School of Psychoanalysis. He is a member of Roslindale Neighbors for Peace and Justice and founder of Psychoanalysts for Peace and Justice, and maintains the Iraq Occupation and Resistance Report web page.by : Stephen SoldzTuesday 27th July 2004
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TRADUCTION

Thursday, July 22, 2004

Shiite leadership clash in Iran, Iraq

Shiite leadership clash in Iran, Iraq
By HAMZA HENDAWIASSOCIATED PRESS WRITER
An Iraqi man prays inside the Holy Shrine of Imam Ali in the holy city of Najaf, Iraq, Wednesday, July 14, 2004. With Shiites empowered in postwar Iraq, the leadership of the world's estimated 170 million followers is at stake between the Shiite ayatollahs of Iraq and Iran, and the outcome will have profound consequences not only for the two nations but the entire Islamic faith. (AP Photo/Karim Kadim)
BAGHDAD, Iraq -- For centuries, enmity between Arabs and Persians has shaped much of the Middle East - from the Arab conquests of the 7th century to the Iraq-Iran war of the 1980s.
Now, with Shiites empowered in postwar Iraq, the gloves are off again. But this time, the antagonists are the Shiite ayatollahs of Iraq, a mainly Arab country, and Iran, formerly Persia.
At stake is the leadership of the world's estimated 170 million Shiites - and the outcome will have profound consequences not only for the two nations but the entire Islamic faith.
At the heart of the conflict is a rivalry between the holy cities of Najaf in Iraq and Qom in neighboring Iran.
A victory by Najaf's "quietist" school of thought, which places a cleric's spiritual calling ahead of involvement in politics, could deal a serious blow to the claim of legitimacy by Iran's ruling clergy. It could also provide a counter-ideology to the militant political Islam adopted by some Sunni Muslim groups in the region and which are behind the terrorism of recent years.
Iraq's Shiites have emerged from decades of oppression by a Sunni Arab minority when Saddam Hussein's regime fell 15 months ago. As the majority, they are now poised to dominate the country politically after a general election due in January.
Najaf's senior clerics refuse to be publicly drawn into the Najaf-Qom rivalry, but they don't conceal the nationalist undertones involved.
"It is the Shiites of Iraq who spread the faith in Iran," boasts Mohammed Hussein al-Hakim, son of Grand Ayatollah Mohammed Said Hakim, one of Najaf's four top clerics. "Shiites appeared in Iraq centuries before there were any Shiites in Iran."
Similar sentiments are indirectly reflected by ordinary Iraqis, eyeing with suspicion Shiite political parties known to be closely linked to Iran or created there by politicians who found refuge there during Saddam's 23-year rule.
"For hundreds of years, the Iranians prevented Arabs from assuming the Shiite marjaiyah (top clerics)," laments Qays al-Khaz'ali, an aide of young cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, whose militant movement has gained much of its popularity because of his repeated boasts of Arab descent and scathing criticism of Iranian-backed politicians and groups.
Iraq is the 7th century birthplace of Shiism, a faith born of a dispute over who succeeds the Prophet Muhammad after his death. It's home to the sect's most revered sites in Najaf and Karbala south of Baghdad and Samarra to the north of the Iraqi capital.
Shiites, however, did not become a majority in Iraq until the 19th century through massive conversions of Arab tribesmen frustrated by the injustices of the Sunni Ottoman rulers.
In Iran, Shiism became the official religion early in the 16th century but Shiites only became a majority in the 1800s. Ideological differences between the two communities always existed, but they were driven farther apart in the 20th century.
During 35 years of Saddam's Baath party rule, Iraq's Shiite majority was brutally oppressed and tens of thousands of Shiites, including clerics, were killed, jailed or deported.
Najaf's senior clerics were targeted. Those who dared to speak out against Saddam were killed. Keeping quiet meant survival, but also diminished influence and empty coffers.
In the meantime, Qom gained pre-eminence and Iran emerged as the world's bastion of Shiism after the 1979 Islamic revolution. It suited Saddam to see Najaf fade into insignificance, but the fall of his regime signaled the city's rebirth and the start of its journey to replace Qom as the world's foremost seat of Shiite learning.
Najaf's seminaries are filled with students again and the city's top clerics are renewing links with followers and loyal clerics across the world. Najaf's independence and energy is a far cry from Qom under the rule of the clergy.
"Qom seminaries have become very politicized," Iranian analyst Mohammad Hosseini said in Tehran. "Qom is the center of Iranian Shiite theology. Najaf is the center of global Shiism."
Reducing Qom to playing second fiddle to Najaf is not a purely religious matter.
Qom cleric and writer Mohammad Javad Akbarein says that unlike those in Najaf, Iran's senior clerics rely on government funds and patronage.
"The Qom seminary wants to remain as a pioneer platform for Shiite Islamic thinking and definitely doesn't want Najaf to take its place," he said.
Ironically the Najaf renewal is led by an elderly, Iranian-born cleric who settled in Iraq more than 50 years ago and is now considered the world's top Shiite authority.
Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Husseini al-Sistani, following in the footsteps of his mentor, the late Abu al-Qasim al-Khoei, belongs to the "quietist" school of thought, whose followers see it as the purist form of Shiism.
In contrast, the principal of "wilayet al-Faqeeh," or "the right of the most learned to rule," serves as the central ideological plank that supports the monopoly on power held by Iran's clergy since the Islamic revolution.
Al-Sistani, however, has influenced Iraq's U.S.-sponsored political process, demanding that a general election be held at the earliest date possible and that a permanent constitution must be written by elected, not selected, delegates. His supporters say such demands don't amount to meddling in politics, arguing that his intervention was much needed at a critical time for Iraq.
---
Associated Press reporter Naser Karimi contributed to this report from Tehran, Iran.
(Corrects style, 'quietist' sted 'quietest' in grafs 5, 23.)

Sunday, July 18, 2004

Iran Threatens the West

Special Dispatch Series - No. 743

July 14, 2004
No.743




Iran Threatens the West

In recent weeks, prominent Iranian figures have issued statements against the West, both within the government and in the newspapers close to the regime. These statements include threats to U.S. and European interests and targets throughout the world. The following is a collection of recent threats. The following is part of a comprehensive report on Iran's nuclear policy, to be published soon.
Recent Threats
In a speech to the residents of the city of Hamedan on July 5, 2004, Iranian Leader Ali Khamenei said: " We, the Iranian people, within the borders of our country, will cut off any hand that harms our scientific, natural, human, or technological interests. We will cut off the hand that is sent to invade and work against our people's interests. We will do this with no hesitation…. If the enemy has the audacity to harm and invade, our blows against it will not be limited to the borders of our country… If someone harms our people and invades [our country], we will endanger his interests anywhere in the world." [1]
Iranian Revolutionary Guards Political Bureau head General Yadollah Javani wrote in the conservative daily Kayhan, which is close to Iranian Leader Ali Khamenei:"Threats of this kind are nothing new, but Iran must respond to these threats. [2] To deal with the invader, Iran will use all its capabilities within and outside Iran. It seems to me that in his [Hamedan] speech, the leader was referring to the use of all means of force, as Iran has in its possession all means of force on the highest level.
"…The converging of millions of Iranian youth imbued with the spirit of Shehada [martyrdom] in the Basij forces [3] … along with a courageous leader, the trend of the Islamic awakening, and the consolidation of many supporters around Iran's Islamic revolution can [all] go into action in times of crisis and play their part in light of these threats.
"Today we have in our possession long-range smart missiles which can reach many of the interests and vital resources of the Americans and of the Zionist regime in our region. Thus, if the enemies show stupidity and make any mistake towards Iran, [Iran] will certainly use all the means and capabilities at its disposal.
"Today we enjoy high deterrent ability, and if the enemy acts in madness and wants to try his luck, he will, as the leader said, quickly see his black fate, and will regret acting against Iran's Islamic regime." [4]
In an editorial, the July 6, 2004 edition of Kayhanstated: "The entire Islamic Middle East is now a volatile and tangled trap, and will be set off by the smallest bit of silliness – and will reap many victims of the sinful adventurers… Indeed, the White House's 80 years of exclusive rule are likely to become 80 seconds of Hell that will burn to ashes everything that has been built.
"Iran's counter-response is likely to be called 'sudden death' and 'the Angel of Death suddenly revealed.' That very day, those who resist [Iran] will be struck from directions they never expected. The heartbeat of the crisis is undoubtedly [dictated by] the hand of Iran." [5]

Previous Threats
The above threats are in addition to earlier threats that were reviewed by MEMRI Inquiry and Analysis No. 181, "The Internal Debate in Iran: How to Respond to Western Pressure Regarding Its Nuclear Program" of June 17, 2004. [6] The main threats were:
1. The recruitment and training of thousands of Iranian volunteers by Iran's Revolutionary Guards for suicide attacks against Western, European, and U.S. targets in Iraq, and their dispatch to Iraq. [7]
2. Resumption of Iran's project for long-range Shihab 4 and Shihab 5 missiles, capable of reaching Europe and the U.S., by order of Iranian Leader Ali Khamenei. [8]
3. Statements by senior Revolutionary Guards officials about a plan to eliminate "Anglo-Saxon civilization" using missiles and martyrdom [suicide] bombers, and about "29 sensitive targets" in the West, already identified by Iranian intelligence with the aim of blowing them up. [9]




[1] Kayhan (Iran), July 6, 2004. See also Clip No. 140, July 5, 2004, www.memritv.org.
[2] These statements were in response to an article in The Washington Times which he claimed was about Israel's ability to attack Iran's nuclear facilities within 80 seconds.
[3] The Basij is a paramilitary youth militia loyal to the regime.
[4] Kayhan (Iran), July 8, 2004.
[5] Kayhan (Iran), July 6, 2004.
[6] http://memri.org/bin/articles.cgi?Page=archives&Area=ia&ID=IA18104.
[7] Reports on registration of volunteers, a volunteer suicide bombers registration convention, and the dispatch of suicide bombers to Iraq appeared in Kayhan (Iran), June 1, 2004; Sharq (Iran), June 5, 2004; Jomhouri-ye Eslami (Iran), June 6, 2004; Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), May 28, 2004 and June 14, 2004; Sharq (Iran), May 27, 2004 http://www.sharghnewspaper.com/830307/gover.htm, and also at the Rouydad website (Persian) that is opposed to the regime, http://rouydad.info/news/index.aspx?UID=2513.
[8] Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), June 14, 2004.
[9] In a subsequent television interview, Dr. Hassan Abasi, theoretician of Revolutionary Guards intelligence, head of the Revolutionary Guards' Center for Doctrinaire Affairs of National Security Without Borders, and Iranian Leader Ali Khamenei's representative at the Iranian broadcasting authority, said, "If the interests of Iran are endangered, if our Iranian identity is endangered and our civilization encounters obstacles, the Westerners must know that we will certainly not allow tranquility to anyone. We will not allow anyone in the West to sit in tranquility in his home while Iran encounters problems. Therefore, I reiterate: If there is no security for our Islamic and Iranian civilization, and if Iran and if our civilization are harmed, the others must certainly expect that they too will have no security." Jaam-e Jam 2 TV (Iran), June 22, 2004.